POLITICS: MALAWI

The church in Africa has during times of political, social, economic, etc., crises issued Pastoral Letters reflecting on those situations.  Recently, the church in Malawi issued two Pastoral Letters on the country's political situation.  In this article, Richard Cremins, S.J., shares the highlights of the Letters and the government's reaction.  This is followed by a reflection from a young Malawian, Wilfred Sumani, S.J., on the question of political participation in the relatively new democratic dispensation in Malawi.

TWO PASTORALS AND GOVERNMENT REACTION

In March 2001 the Malawian Catholic Bishops published a Pastoral Letter to mark the Centenary of the founding of the Church in their country.  A month later it was followed by a Pastoral from the Church of Central Africa, Presbyterian (CCAP) on “Some worrisome trends which undermine the nurturing of our young democratic culture”.

These letters have much in common and yet are quite different.  In Malawi the mere words “Pastoral Letter” evoke the memory of “The Pastoral”, the 1994 letter from the CatholicBishops which set in train the “democratic transition” from the regime of Kamuzu Banda to multi-party elections.  These brought President Bakili Muluzi and his United Democratic Front to power, where they have remained since.

At that time the CCAP was hardly true to its tradition, reaching back to the 19^th Century, of speaking bluntly to Administrations.  It took courage, however, from the lead given by the Catholics, who seemed to be almost frightened by what they had done.  In recent years the Catholic Church has worn the kid gloves, while the Protestants have tended to be outspoken.

THE HISTORY

The aim of the Bishops' Letter was, of course, a religious one: with gratitude for the past to “focus on the present and future challenges of the Church.”  They pay tribute to the Missionaries of Africa for their brave but unsuccessful attempt to plant the Cross at Mponda in 1889. 

The intransigent attitude of the Chief led them to follow the Gospel admonition and “shake the dust off their feet.”  They steamed up what was then Lake Nyassa, for Mambwe in Zambia.  In the light of the evangelical paradox of success through failure, it is not clear to me why their arrival in Mponda has not been taken as the beginning of the Church here.  However that may be, the Montfort Missionaries reached Nzama, somewhere between Lilongwe and Zomba, on 25 July 1901, where they established the first permanent Catholic Mission and were able to baptise their first catechumens in 1905.

The “White Fathers”, of course, came back the following year to Mua on the Lakeside, which today is a centre of Chewa culture and art.  For the rest of the century they laid much of the foundations on which today’s Church is built.  The Bishops pay tribute to their “selfless spirit of dedication and commitment” and list the other religious and lay people who joined their evangelising work.  This progress was not without its difficulties.  “Conflicts arose from the encounter between traditional practices of the people and the teaching of the Church” which “brought new perspectives, attitudes and values such as freedom from various forms of slavery.” 

These conflicts were exacerbated by the fact that “coming from Europe with no knowledge of tribal societies, the missionaries were sometimes shocked by customs which had they understood them better, might have caused less difficulty.”  The Letter goes on to record the establishment of the Hierarchy and the other achievements of the Church in Education, Health and Social Services, crowned by the “memorable visit of Pope John Paul II to Malawi in 1989.”

THE PRESENT CHALLENGES

Turning to the present situation in Malawi, the Bishops call on the faithful to make the Church “light up the world”, beginning with personal conversion and “renewed commitment to the service of our country and its people.”  Acknowledging the peace we enjoy and the progress that has been made, they note that people today enjoy basic freedoms and rights, while “the understanding of true democracy and people’s participation in public life must still grow.”

Some of the challenges that continue to face us are then dealt with.  It is a “sombre reality” that poverty remains and that “for many of our people life seems to have become more difficult.”  Politicians have promised more than they have delivered and some of them “live in luxury while the masses are in poverty”.  There is “widespread corruption and fraud in the public sector...our public services seem to be progressively deteriorating, crime is increasing, insecurity continues to grow.”

A section headed, ''concerted efforts for a better Malawi'' asserts that the “Christian community wants to be part of the search for solutions” and recognises that “We do not always practise what we preach.”  Leaders are advised that “as they have been elected on promises of good governance, transparency and accountability, they have no right to take offence when justified discontent is voiced.”

Government is warned that it “ought to hold referenda for matters of greater importance” and that “we should not allow anyone to manipulate others into eroding the Constitution.”  Many will have seen in this a veiled reference to the idea being floated that the Constitution should be amended in order to allow the present President to have a third term, a subject on which he has kept a significant silence.  “Every Christian must seek and work for the good of the community, each needs to ask oneself as a Christian what needs to be done to change the situation for the better.”

“The AIDS epidemic plunges us into a culture of death.  It overshadows the very act that is at the source of the transmission of life.  We would like to be in the forefront in the fight against this disease.”  The Church will intensify its Home-based Care programme, the attention it gives to AIDS patients and orphans.  It notes the need for information and openness, the effect of rampant poverty, the shortage of sporting and recreational facilities as well as the high unemployment rate.

The letter criticises “The present campaign which promotes condoms as though they were completely effective.  It gives a false sense of security and spreads the idea that promiscuity is normal.  It does not give full information especially with regard to the ineffectiveness of the condom.”  “There is only one strategy which is totally efficient in the struggle for victory over HIV/AIDS: abstinence or fidelity in sexual relations.”  This stance is confirmed by the U.S Government’s Center for Disease Control in Atlanta.

The Bishops are confident that youths will respond to this message, if they hear it.  Other particular challenges are the inculturation of the Gospel, dialogue among religious Groups, the acceptance of pluralism in socio-political life by not using violence or discriminating against political opponents and minorities.

The Letter concludes with a call to all, Priests, Religious, Laity and Youth to renew themselves and to “enter in by the narrow gate that leads to life'' in the footsteps of the early missionaries, and commends them to the care of the Blessed Virgin Mary, our Mother.

PROTESTANT LETTER

The Bishops’ letter did not cause much of a stir.  By contrast the CCAP Pastoral disturbed hornets who are still buzzing.  If in its comments on the current situation the Catholic Pastoral is restrained and allusive, the Protestant letter is direct and specific.  It begins by quoting the Prophet Nehemiah: “I denounced the leaders and officials of the people and told them, ‘You are oppressing your brother!'” [5:1-7].

Speaking on behalf of the General Synod of CCAP and its constituent synods of Blantyre, Livingstonia and Nkhoma, the signatories “express their deep concern about some current developments which are seriously jeopardising the development of a democratic culture in our country”.  These concerns are political and socio-economic.

In politics, they say, “moves are being taken to amend the constitution of Malawi in the short term interest of those currently in power” even if some of them are still only being talked about informally.  These include the abolition of the Senate, bringing NGOs under greater Government control, enabling the President to have a third term, giving him power to appoint 20 Members of Parliament.

The Synods remind those in power that they are “stewards of the democratic codes and traditions by which we chose to live at the time of the democratic transition.”  So they should lead and educate in order to nurture our infant democracy, instead of lightly amending the Constitution.  Our leaders should show integrity by standing up for the principles which they invoked in 1992-1994 (the last days of Kamuzu Banda).  Why should “those principles now be negated or watered down in favour of narrower interests?”

Dealing in detail with the third term, the letter recalls how Dr. Banda by a similar move became Life President, whose term of office taught Malawians “a bitter lesson”.  Dr. Muluzi is mentioned by name and warned that he may lose his international reputation as a champion of democracy for which he has received honorary degrees.  The “Personality Cult Syndrome” is dangerous, as shown by the “metamorphosis Kamuzu went through.”

Other particular issues are then discussed: the disadvantages of changing the Constitution to suit an individual, the appointment of 20 MP’s by the President, the quality of Presidential Advisors.  “Malawians are tired of people put in offices who bring in unprincipled personal agenda and selfishness in the governance system.”

Under socio-economic concerns the Synods mention the same topics as the Bishops, though in much greater detail: Security, Health, Education, Poverty.  They analyse the factors contributing to these conditions and suggest what can be done in order to move forward, by Government and donors with Civil Society.

REACTION

Such critiques, whether mild or harsh, could not go unnoticed by the media.  Reaction to the Catholic statement focused on the issue of constitutional change, overlooking what the National Pastoral Secretary has pointed out was its main message: thanksgiving for Faith and the Church, renewal in the Faith and commitment to Christ in today’s Malawi.

Reaction to the CCAP document was sharper. The Attorney General, who is also Minster for Justice, attacked its authors even before it had been published and was still embargoed.  He is reported to have said, “The letter is attacking Muluzi directly and is not comparable to the Catholic Lenten [sic] Letter.  It does not refer to the Bible or God.  What is it supposed to tell the followers of Jesus Christ?  It is all political.”

For once the Minister was supported by one of the Leaders of the Opposition, Mr. John Tembo, who had been Kamuzu Banda’s Eminence Grise and who no doubt found some of the references to his former Leader unflattering.  “It is a vehicle to advance other people’s ambitions,” he said.  A week later the Ministry of Information took a two-page newspaper advertisement to publicise the response by the government to the issues raised in the pastoral letter of the general synod of the CCAP.  To fit the space it was printed in 6-point, which made it difficult to read. 

The tone is calm.  It recognises that “the CCAP church leaders are perfectly entitled to express themselves in the manner they have done” and explains that the Government wishes “to share its perspective with the public” and its “genuine desire to maintain an open dialogue on every issue affecting the Malawi nation.”

On the political concerns, the Government’s attempt to set the record straight is perhaps a bit technical and legalistic.  In amending the Constitution its prescriptions have always been followed.  The Senate was abolished for financial reasons, but other democratic institutions have been set up: the Ombudsman, the Human Rights Commission, the Law Commission and the Anti-Corruption Bureau.  NGOs are being regulated for their own good, and to “safeguard their dignity and integrity.”

The tenure of the president has not been discussed officially by the Cabinet or the UDF Central Committee, and no Bill has been prepared to amend the Constitution.  People discussing it were simply exercising their constitutional freedom.  The nominated members of parliament were to be named by political parties and appointed by the President to “represent special interest groups”.  “This proposal fell off at consultation stage” because most of the MP’s were opposed to it.

In general “the Government believes that it has religiously and consistently complied with the letter and spirit of the Constitution.”  The Government goes on to defend its record on socio-economic affairs, in the spirit of a pianist asking not to be shot because he is doing his best.  It acknowledges the challenges mentioned in the Pastorals: AIDS, poverty, deteriorating infrastructure, food insecurity.  These have “been compounded by natural calamities, flooding, drought, and externally generated economic shocks” as well as globalisation.

It draws attention to its efforts for macro-economic management and the difficulties met there: the revenue/expenditure gap means dependence on donors, with its uncertainties and the obligation to meet their conditionalities.  A 78% increase in fuel prices has contributed to inflation, which is nevertheless being brought under control so that a 10% inflation rate seems to be an achievable target.

The situation of education remains unsatisfactory.  Nevertheless, primary pupils have risen to 3 million from 1.9 million in 1994, while secondary students have increased from 88.5 to 240 thousand.  At 13,500, third-level students have almost doubled.  The Government’s educational strategy is then outlined.

Likewise “many of Malawi’s health indicators are unacceptably high, like in most developing countries.” The Government recalls its “historic national consultation about AIDS with the entire religious communities in the country” ( see JCTR Bulletin No. 47) and its National Task Force for on-going collaboration.  It outlines its efforts in various other health fields and shows how it had increased its allocation to the health sector in the years 2000-2001.

THE FUTURE

Looking at the way forward, the Government recalls various measures it has “taken to accommodate those that are still adversely affected by the changing economic environment.”  These include the Malawi Social Action Fund and the Malawi Social Safety Nets Programme, which includes Targeted Inputs [for agriculture], food for work, school feeding and voucher programmes.  The aim is self-reliance and numerous Public Works have helped people to move in that direction. For the future, Government aims at job creation, improving the pre-conditions for private sector growth and widening the base of foreign exchange earnings away from tobacco to include tourism and mining.

In conclusion, “It is not the wish of the Government to enter into a confrontation of any kind with the Church because the Government believes that the pastoral letter is aimed at improving the welfare of Malawians.”  It “encourages the Clergy to continually engage the Government on issues of national interest as we together strive to build Mother Malawi.”

Almost nostalgically, the concluding paragraph recalls the collaboration that existed during the 1992-1994 democratic transition between political, religious and other civil groups.  UDF remains faithful to “the noble values” which were then shared.  “Challenges remain but Malawians under the UDF Government have every reason to live in hope.”

These declarations from the Government should encourage Catholics to be as brave in the future as they were in 1992.  However, as their Pastoral says, “It should not be left to the Bishops alone.”  This story is likely to run for a long time, especially what concerns the third term.  At the time of writing [early May] it was reported that Christian leaders, Catholic and Protestant, are to meet “to discuss how to strengthen their co-operation against what they called social ills.” No doubt they will have an eye on what happens to third term ambitions across the border in Zambia.

Richard Cremins, S.J.
Jesuit Community
Lilongwe
Malawi

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN MALAWI

My grandmother who lives in the rural area of Lake Malombe East does not make sense of the political jargon of democracy (except when her granddaughters use it to justify their demand for autonomy).  She hardly knows the Member of Parliament for the area (though she voted for him), and she knows the name of the president only due to the political fuss that took place during the election campaign period.  In fact, she mispronounces the name as Bulusi instead of Muluzi. 

Though in her eighties, she still fends for herself - most of the times making do with one meal per day.  Further, not much of what the politicians promised during the campaign has come true.  Even the other villagers who call themselves political activists do not seem to have come any closer to the animal called development.

TRANSITION

Sometimes, she recalls how the political activities have been conducted over the past seven years.  First, the movement from one-party system of government to a multi-party democracy only required her to vote either for a black cock or a lamp.  Honestly, she did not understand the meanings of the two symbols that were philosophically at war with each other, except for the commonplace association of the black cock with the tyranny of the then ruling party, and the lamp with the anticipated light of freedom of expression. 

But, since everybody else said matipate (the Chewa translation of multiparty) was better than chikongeresi (a reference  to the Malawi Congress Party system of government), she voted for the lamp – hoping to create a better future at least for her children’s children.

Later, she heard of different zipani (parties) contesting for the presidential and parliamentary elections.  Again, all she heard were names (some of them strange ones) of people who were competing for the seats.  Mostly, what she heard as campaigns were exchanges of insults among the contestants.

Even the village supporters of the contesting parties fought and at times killed one another, much to the amazement of the grandmother who believed that leadership was more of a burden than a privilege.  Then she wondered whether she should vote for the candidate who insulted and assaulted others the most.  So the word ndale (trickery) - a Chewa translation for politics – became a reality.

Second, even though she twice voted for the '‘mythical’' Muluzi, Lake Malombe East still remains without even a simple clinic.  Further, the way patients are treated at Kuchemasi – a clinic at least fifteen kilometres away - fascinates her: aspirin is given as a cure for flu, malaria, TB and diarrhoea. 

At the same time, the private hospitals are extremely expensive.  Yet, when she grows tobacco, she has no say over its price such that her input is always more than the output. On the contrary, she hears that Kapoloma, the President's village, (an area she previously knew as an equally underdeveloped place) now has electricity supply and a good road.  But when the president speaks on radio, he mainly lambasts other parties and praises his United Democratic Front.  No wonder, my grandmother now thinks that political talk is only for those who have too much time to spare.

PARTICIPATION

This grandmother’s case is only one among many other diverse situations that have taken away any interest among the ordinary people to consciously participate in the political developments.  The government has become so remote to the lives of many people such that it is seen as a mere bunch of highly educated bosses who have the right to do what they want. 

The President’s remark that '‘anthu sadya demokalase'’ (people do not eat democracy) has thus become ironical since some seem to eat it.  This is the situation in which the Catholic Bishops of Malawi (in their latest pastoral letter) call upon the people (particularly Catholics) to participate in the political activities in order to engender development:

''All the efforts of the government bodies, development agencies or non-governmental organisations fail if they do not meet a suitable response from individual citizens.  We your Bishops, you as individuals or our Christian communities, our Catholic Lay Professionals, all of us, need to contribute to improving the quality of life in our country.  It should not be left to us Bishops alone or to public figures alone nor to Christians or common citizens alone.  Each of us and all of us have a duty.'' (2.8)

It is easy to dismiss such a call by illustrating its near impossibility as compounded by the common conception of politics and the extent to which its embodiment has systematically excluded the participation of the majority (like my grandmother).  But I believe that a mark of boldness consists in the ability to move from cynicism to criticism to construction.  So the challenge I have taken upon myself lies in mapping the way for mass political participation. 

CIVIC EDUCATION

One of the problems impinging on political participation in Malawi is the lack of civic education that can enable the people not only to vote but also to understand what they are voting for or against.  Ralph Kasambara highlights the observation of the OAU Commission for Human Rights that " civic education is an aspect of public education that needs little justification in a democratising Africa."

But he sadly observes that civic education in Malawi did not stimulate "thought about the kind of society Malawians sought to build or the non-political pressures to which their communities were being subjected."  As one can infer from my grandmother's experience, this civic education was provided only in function of the elections.  

Thus the concept of democracy was presented as an unknowable unknown.  And it seems the politicians delighted in the majority’s ignorance of the concept so as to be able to utter blatant lies about the concept's moral, developmental and legal constituents. 

Thus, in this political game, winning depended on the sweetness of the politicians' tongues, rather than on the soundness of their deliberations.  After all, how could the ordinary masses, largely ignorant of the political jargon, determine the truth-value of the political promises!   And one wonders what the purpose of voting is if one does not know the meaning of one's option. 

Therefore, in order to engender meaningful political participation, civic education ought to go beyond voting instructions.  The whole structure of the government must be explained in the simplest terms possible.  Further, the explanation should make an effort to relate to the people’s traditional experience and intuitive capacity so as to make possible the ordinary people’s evaluation of the systems proposed. 

Indeed, why should there be education for the oppressor while there is none for the oppressed?  Kukhala satero (that is not the way to live)!   In addition, the national constitution should no longer be a pearl jealously guarded in the courts.  It should be made accessible and intelligible to the people.  Why should people be ruled by what they do not know?  That is why many crimes go unreported.

CONSULTATION FOR PARTICIPATION

It is better for the people to fail together than for the government to succeed without the masses.  But listening to the grandmother, one clearly notices that political initiatives always moved (and still move) from the top elite to the bottom peasant. 

For example, the parties drafted their manifestos in privacy and only brought them to the electorate for advertising.  ''Advertising'' in this case ought to be conceived with its negative business connotation that emphasises the attraction of customers at any cost - even through lies. 

So, the citizens were suddenly transformed into an ideological market, each party dying to have its stand therein.  Then one wonders whose needs the politicians were representing.  Further, it is difficult to understand how political participation can prevail without the support of an apriori evaluative position such as the traditional imagination and experience of the people to be governed.  Now, in order to attack this lack of consultation, let us call it '‘the privatisation of politics.''

PRIVATISATION OF POLITICS

In the first place, the privatisation of politics does diminish the common platform on which to conceive, plan and monitor national development.  One party can plan what it thinks are the priorities while another does the opposite.  When the party has been elected into power, it apparently has the power to implement its policies as an individuated entity. 

That is why we have the president sourcing funds for his own development initiatives outside the usual budgets.  That is why the government can decide to pay Permanent Secretaries more than MK56,000.00 per month, or decide to buy "a fleet of new Mercedes Benz cars for Ministers and their Deputies.".  In such an atmosphere, the feelings of the opposition in Parliament are easily dismissed as mere expressions of disgruntledness.  Roger Tangri calls such attitudes "The Politics of Patronage."

Secondly, the privatisation of politics defeats the conception of Malawi as a than a collection of little clusters called political parties.  The current political trend makes one wonder where lies the nationalist spirit that drove people like John Chilembwe, Orton Chirwa and Henry Chipembere to fight for the national (not regional) emancipation.  In the inter-party skirmishes, it is ordinary citizens, usually poor, who lose their lives.

My conviction is that Malawians have the capacity to shape a unique democratic institution that reflects the cultural and teleological consciousness of the people.  So, before government seeks foreign policies, it is important to solicit the help of indigenous wisdom that knows the number of potholes along the Balaka-Zomba road.  After all, the foreign policies leave everybody in tears!

NATIONALISTIC PARTICIPATION

It is not enough to think of one’s own village.  It is not adequate to concentrate on one’s own district.  It is not satisfactory to dream about the welfare of one’s own region.  Such attitudes have only engendered corruption and nepotism that finally culminate in political preferences based on geography and ethnicity. 

What is important is to think of the local in the context of the national such that even development plans will seek to develop Malawi as a nation.  In this respect, a national plan based on wide consultation could be codified way before the election campaigns begin. So, any political party that wants to contest in the elections should define its viability in view of its strategies to implement the national plan – nothing else.  And, during a party’s term of office, there should be a mechanism to monitor the process of the implementation of the plan.  Finally, when the party’s term is over, there should be an evaluation of the progress so far made, in preparation for another national plan.  The party should be accountable to the whole nation for its activities before leaving the office. 

Non-partisan development planning will, in the first place, avoid strayed priorities advocated by some selfish political parties.  It will also help Malawi not to suffer ‘unfinished projects’ all the time.  More importantly, manifestos will no longer be baits with which to lure the school of the electorate.  This done, I think many politicians will realise that political leadership in Malawi ought not to be as sweet as it is now. 

President Thabo Mbeki challenges us: “In as much as we liberated ourselves from colonialism through struggle, so will it be that the African Renaissance will be victorious only as a result of a protracted struggle that we ourselves must wage.''  The struggle Malawians ought to wage is the incessant demand for their nation that has been mutilated into countless political parties whose functionality is undermined by their unpatriotic attitudes.  Political participation is both possible and necessary.  We only need sincerity and commitment. Surely, we are intelligent enough, we are reflective enough, we are mature enough – we can do it, dear Bishops!

Wilfred Sumani, S.J.
Arrupe College
Harare

HUMAN DEVELOPMENT: ZAMBIA AND MALAYSIA

Michael Soko, UNDP assistant resident representative in Zambia held a seminar on ''Some Reflections on Human Development'' at Nkhruma Teachers' Training College on 9 March 2001 in Kabwe.

Malaysia and Zambia were approximately at the same level of development 35 years ago but now they differ considerably.  Here are some socio-economic indicators for 1999:

Country    under 5 mortality      life expectancy        below poverty line     GNP-annual growth        Inflation

Malaysia      0.9%                     72 years                4% of population          US$3400    4.2%              5%

Zambia      20.2%                     37 years              73% of population            US$320   -0.9%            64%

                                                                         Cf. UNICEF, The State of the World's Children 2001

Why is nowadays Malaysia much more developed and still developing much faster than Zambia?

Why do we go on telling the whole world that we are poor and need some more money?

Why do we not like anything made in Zambia and prefer buying foreign products?

The problem is not that we lack talent, knowledge, natural resources or money.  The problem is with our MIND-SET.

The Malaysians have, above all, a common vision.   All Malaysians feel part of a great patriotic enterprise to implement their great vision and achieve their goals.  Consequently they search for consultative agreements on how to solve their big social problems and improve their quality of life.  They also have strong links with the past.

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