Muluzi handpicks Bingu; a few months later, Bingu dumps Muluzi. Chihana is a cabinet minister; a little later, Chihana is fired from the cabinet. Chakuamba calls Bingu the ideal leader; a month later, Chakuamba calls Bingu a brute. Brown Mpinganjira forms the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and fights against Muluzi’s third term bid; a few months later, Brown Mpinganjira deregisters NDA and rejoins Muluzi’s United Democratic Front (UDF). John Tembo distances the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) from the impeachment motion; a week later, John Tembo supports the impeachment motion.
The political landscape seems to be in a state of flux, and political allegiances seem to continuously metamorphose.
All this seems to confirm the insightful saying that a week in politics is such a long time. The political landscape seems to be in a state of flux, and political allegiances seem to continuously metamorphose. Some political analysts have dubbed Malawian politics, “chameleon politics.” One cannot rely on what was in the papers the previous day to tell who is in alliance with whom today. Why the flux?
At first sight one would say that political life in Malawi is characterized by contradictions. If one juxtaposes the statements issued by our prominent politicians within a space of three months, one can conclude that our politicians suffer from amnesia since they seem not to remember what they said the day before. Yet, these are educated people; they are sane people who enjoy the support of large sections of Malawians. They have immense political experience.
Perhaps the apparently contradictory statements and moves of these politicians are paradoxes after all! Beneath the apparent contradictions, there is a truth that in fact makes them oscillate between one extreme of the political pendulum to the other. Perhaps they do not worship the god of policies and ideologies but instead offer their sacrifices to the god of influence. This essay borrows Harold Bloom’s “the anxiety of influence” to show that the quest for political influence is the consistent truth beneath seemingly contradictory political maneuvers undertaken by politicians in Malawi.
DOING BETTER WHAT THE MASTER DID BADLY
Harold Bloom, writing in the second half of the 20th century, paid attention to the process through which poets tried to “overthrow” their precursors who had exerted an influence on society. The process is divided into six stages which Thomas Frosch calls “A Primal Scene of Instruction.” I will only discuss three important stages.
The first stage is called the “Election.” Here, the ephebe (the upcoming poet) is attracted to the power or influence of his precursor. Then a relationship between the ephebe and the precursor is established. This relationship is based on a basic agreement called a Covenant. In other words, there is a shared vision between the precursor and the ephebe. The final stage is the ephebe’s revision of the precursor so that the former breaks free and establishes one’s own area of influence. The ephebe tries to produce one’s own distinctive works.
Beneath the apparent contradictions, there is a truth that in fact makes them oscillate between one extreme of the political pendulum to the other.
However, since the relationship between the master and disciple is based on a covenant, the disciple needs to repress his agreement with the master in order to come up with a powerful critique of the latter and establish his own tradition. Sometimes this repression takes the form of a deliberate “misreading” of the master’s works – something like Jacques Derrida’s deconstruction. It is helpful to remember that in the romantic tradition freedom does not accrue from mimesis (imitation). Rather, originality - understood as authenticity - is said to be the source of freedom. Anachronistically, one may think of the relationship between Plato and Aristotle (the controversy of forms), Hegel and Marx (development of human consciousness), God and Lucifer (control). In recent political developments, one may think of Chiluba and Mwanawasa, Muluzi and Bingu.
POLITICS OF TRANSUMPTION, CONVENIENT ALLIANCES
When one uses Harold Bloom’s lenses to examine what has been happening in Malawi over the past few years, it becomes interesting to note, at the risk of falling into the procrustean trap, that the political crisis we are in at the moment is a result of an intemperate pursuit of influence on the part of many politicians. The pursuit of influence has predominantly given rise to alliances of convenience (parallel to but less intense than Bloom’s Election) and attempts at overthrowing each other.
Having become president, Bingu did not want to dance the presidential song according to a rhythm predetermined by Muluzi.
Let me point out that the difference between Bloom’s romantic poets and the politicians in Malawi is that the former seem to be committed to and critical of specific ideas while the latter seem to be committed to and critical of specific individuals depending on their usefulness to one’s quest for influence. That is why Malawi’s political discourse revolves around certain names rather than ideas. I would like to chronicle a few recent major developments in the politics of Malawi.
ATCHEYA VS BINGU
The relationship between Atcheya (Muluzi) and Bingu portrays some trappings of the ephebe-precursor relationship. Muluzi won the presidential elections twice (1994 and 1999). Bingu tried to compete with Muluzi in 1999 but lost miserably. In the 2004 elections Bingu became Muluzi’s disciple and won the elections. One can say that Bingu was attracted to Muluzi’s influence and abrogated his party in favour of Muluzi’s United Democratic Front. Having become president, Bingu did not want to dance the presidential song according to a rhythm predetermined by Muluzi. He wanted to carve his own area of influence and leave a unique stamp on the politics of Malawi. For instance, he sought to make a clear distinction between the party and the government. He also pledged to appoint people to public offices on the basis of merit (rather than appeasement - Muluzi’s apparent policy).
Unfortunately, the “master” also did not want to relinquish his influence on the politics of Malawi. The metaphor of the bell depicts very well what was happening: Muluzi wanted to be ringing the bell from the carrier of the political bicycle ridden by Bingu. This led to sour relationships that eventually saw Bingu’s resignation from the UDF. The UDF has since been fighting to unseat the President through impeachment. It is clear that though UDF’s grounds for impeachment take on a semblance of policies (e.g. good governance), the main intention of UDF is to eliminate Bingu himself. For how can a party that was characterized by gross financial mismanagement all of a sudden be concerned about good governance!
UP AND DOWN THE SHIRE-TRAGEDY
One wonders what inspired Wambali Mkandawire to title one of his albums Up and Down the Shire. Whatever the inspiration, Chakuamba’s political life is quite characteristic of a man who has traveled up and down the Shire searching for the diamond of political influence. Hailing from the Lower Shire, Chakuamba found himself in prison for being ‘chigawenga’ (a political criminal). He was arrested because he seemed to undermine Kamuzu’s political influence. Yet when he was released, with the aegis of Muluzi, Chakuamba joined the party that had imprisoned him and became Kamuzu’s running-mate in 1992! He certainly was trying to ride on the tide of Kamuzu’s political influence, for how could a “cruel” party become benign all of a sudden! When his influence was jeopardized by his “twin” brother, John Tembo, Chakuamba opted out of the MCP and started his own party (the troubled Republican Party). Having lost elections in 1999, he thought of entering into Mgwirizano Coalition with other political parties and came third in the 2004 elections.
Bingu wanted to carve his own area of influence and leave a unique stamp on the politics of Malawi.
During the campaign, he used to castigate Muluzi and Bingu. Yet, a few months later, Chakuamba accepted a ministerial post in the Bingu regime. At one rally, he even alluded to Bingu’s divine election (that it was the will of God to make Bingu President). When the DPP was formed, he became its vice president. Trouble began when Bingu moved him to a perceived lower ministry, leading to his loss of the state-of-the-art BMW X5 – a symbol of political influence, one may surmise. His apparent demotion was therefore understood as the diminution of his political influence. Consequently, he retreated to the Lower Shire and rejoined the Republican Party he had apparently deregistered upon joining the DPP. He enjoyed the post of national chairman before being booted out of the party he himself founded. Currently, he is in the process of forming a new party – the New Republican Party! He is one of the major proponents of the impeachment motion. A rolling stone indeed. If you cannot secure influence here, try there! If this person does not help the cause, try that one.
Similar patterns can be seen in Chakufwa Chihana and Brown Mpinganjira who have had their turns swinging on the political pendulum and are currently consigned to political belatedness. Brown Mpinganjira has retreated to Muluzi’s womb (the political world is too scary for him now), hoping for a more powerful political rebirth that will enable him to secure a niche of influence before nature takes care of him.
If you cannot secure influence here, try there! If this person does not help the cause, try that one.
One is not sure about Chihana who has forfeited even the little influence he had in the North. John Tembo, having lost in the 2004 elections, still aspires to enter the high office, even through the backdoor. He threw his weight behind the impeachment motion only when he was tipped to be the head of the National Governing Council in the event of a successful impeachment of the incumbent.
WHAT IS IN INFLUENCE?
Why do people fight for influence? Influence is a very important thing politically, psychologically or anthropologically. Psychologically, it instills and bolsters self-esteem. Anthropologically, it contributes to what thinkers of an existentialist persuasion would call existential security. Politically, it means one’s finger can move mountains. I would like to limit myself to the importance of influence in politics.
Influence is a very important thing politically, psychologically or anthropologically.
In politics, influence mostly means control. If one is a State president, then one’s political influence goes a long way to control the way things are done in the country. For instance, one decides who becomes a cabinet minister. In more dramatic occasions, our Presidents have occasionally opted for command economies whereby fiscal transactions reflect the whims on the first citizen. In a way, an influential person tries to create history in his/her own image by trying to conform the consciousnesses of other people to his/her own. And this is immensely important – after all many of us want to live in our ideal worlds!
We have witnessed the rewriting of histories in some countries after certain people assumed power. The world of one’s own making would more easily allow one to break the law with impunity precisely because the law is also crafted and interpreted in conformity with the whims of its architect. Some people interpret the current impeachment motion as an attempt on the part of the former government (UDF) to derail the current investigations the Anti-Corruption Bureau has embarked on against some UDF bigwigs for alleged abuse of office.
AS ELEPHANTS FIGHT
The struggle for influence in Malawi has had structural repercussions; it has affected the lives of ordinary people. For instance, instead of concentrating on handling development issues, parliament spent time discussing the impeachment of the President. Bingu’s Feed-the-Nation Fund was also shot down by the opposition, reducing it to Bingu’s attempt to gain political mileage. Government also had a tough time getting the budget passed in parliament because a large section of MPs in the opposition were determined to frustrate the efforts of the government. These are clear instances of a deliberate “misreading” of policies in order to subject them to severe criticism.
It is quite striking to note that the people who were part and parcel of Muluzi’s not so successful government have all of a sudden become concerned
An influential person tries to create history in his/her own image by trying to conform the consciousnesses of other people to his/her own.
about the welfare of poor citizens. As they say, a failed strong poet becomes a strong critic, for criticism, as Bloom observes, is another way of carving one’s sphere of influence! So what we are seeing now is what the French call Ressentiment – instead of rising to the height of a hero, some people prefer to pull him down to the level of their mediocrity. But, as elephants fight for influence, the grass suffers.
Wilfred Sumani, SJ
Jesuit community
Lilongwe
(NB: This essay makes use of Patrick Madigan’s “Madness, Satan, and Bloom’s Antithetical Quester” in The Completion of the Project of the West and its Romantic Sequel. Scranton: University of Scranton Press, 2003. )
